Bob, you've hacked out a readership on this board, and that's great for you. For my part, I remain wholly unconvinced you have anything other than naive libertarian dipshittery to add to conversations such as this one.
clocker bob wrote:Andrew L. wrote:Bob, my point, and I think vilna's too, is that worker solidarity is transnational. For you, it stops at the border. You've got some weird nativist stuff going on.
Not true, and I really suspect that you know that.
There is no weird nativist stuff going on, there is simply the recognition that a shepherd must tend to his flock first. Respect all similar flocks, but there will be times when other flocks are seduced into your territory, through policies favorable to the exploiters, and you must close ranks.
We don't live in one world all together; mentally and emotionally, maybe we do, but economically, we don't. Societies are still compartmentalized entities unto themselves, not to the degree that they once were, but in the world of labor, you cannot permit an endless supply of outside labor to dilute your value. If we were neighbors, I wouldn't knock on your door night after night and ask for you to put out a dinner plate for me.
If we were "neighbors" (you America-Neighbor and me Mexico-Neighbor), I might be at your doorstep with a "hatchet" kindly asking why you conspired, with the patriarchs and carpet baggers of my own "house," to destroy my own "family" garden as you take turns fucking my "mother" up the ass. You would be damned lucky if instead I simply hopped the fence and asked to clean your toilet bowl for you.
Your analogy is terrible. Neoliberal economics does not map neatly onto patronizing homespun metaphors.
You side with your great state "shepard" in the guise of populist rhetoric, because that's what libertarians do when it's convenient. And you cherry-pick terms from the Marxist tradition to bolster a reactionary position which itself has no economic legs.
Capitalism is colonizing the earth under a new imperium. Increasingly, there is no "outside." And this is just as Marx elaborated: capital operates through a constant reconfiguration of the inside and the outside--"all that is solid melts into air" (look into theories of "intensive" and "extensive" control). You don't get this. You don't get Marx. American capitalism, and capitalism generally, internalizes outside markets first and foremost through the
export of a
relation, a social form that breeds and replicates itself. One by-product of this is economic refugees, from
country to city, from Nogales to Chicago.
The point is to work with this, rather than to react against it in the naive isolationist mode you do--to recognize and cultivate new possibilities, and new opportunities for change and struggle. And to welcome foreigners into the privileged space of the metropole. Capitalism opens up new terrain, it "deterritorializes" itself as it "territorializes" social and geographic space.
Foreigners, please don't leave us alone with the French-- Paris graffito, 1995
You continually demonstrate an inability to understand that capitalism is constituted by relations, not a coterie of bankers. In this respect, your positions will always be fundamentally retarded (As vilna says, you can slay capitalist demon-spawn until your blade's dull).
In a post-colonial world, "victorious" liberation struggles stepped directly into the ghetto of the world market and economic fascism of the WTO and IMF's structural adjustment policies (which are basically the American policies of what are in the final instance American, ie,
State, organs; the mighty "shepard" you invoke). We need a more careful understanding of the persistence of State power in so-called "post-industrial" capitalism. Reports of the death of the State have been greatly exagerated.
Louis-Ferdinand Celine wrote:There is no escaping American business
Your libertarian nativism--and that's exactly what it is--ignores all this. You acknowledge it, but you clearly don't consider it in your stupid shepard and flock analogy.
In the 19th cent. Marx and Engels saw that industrialization and factory production created the conditions for common struggle. In the advanced capitalism of the 21st, perhaps, as Hardt and Negri state outright, 'there is a new spectre haunting empire, and it is
migration.' While my own provisional understanding differs from Hardt and Negri's, I'd appreciate it if you stopped picking naively at Marx's corpus: because every time you do, it is painfully clear you don't know what the fuck you are talking about.
Cheap shot. The law is more powerful than me, but the law is not always my enemy. The law can work for me. Like I said way back in this thread, there are still labor and immigration laws remainng from the time when labor could legislate self-protection into the system; you deny us that- whose side are you on?
American labor cannot be the keeper of all our brothers- we can't do that loaves and fishes trick.
You are exasperatingly full of shit.
On your federal reserve thread, I wrote:
One of my favourite quotes on globalization comes from Joao Pedro Stedile, an activist and writer associated with the Movimento Sem Terra in Brazil. Stedile gave the following response to a question about what N. Americans and Europeans can do for the "developing world."
Quote:
The first thing to do is bring down your neoliberal governments. Second help us to get rid of foreign debt. . . Third, fight - build mass strugges. Don't delude yourself that because you have a higher living standard than us, you can build a better world. It's impossible for you to maintain your current
patterns of consumption without exploiting us.
And your throwback to the good old days of labor is ridiculous. Do you deny you are a reactionary? Own that shit, Bob. Marx and Engels were unequivocal in their belief that capitalism created opportunities and opened up spaces for better ways of living, different relations. You have a romanticized notion of American capitalism c. 1902 (or whenever) when industrialists, railroads, and robber barons still held sway over financiers ('jew bankers')--the grand old days of honest, unimpeded Social Darwinism. Your glory days of American labor is a time when
British fucking capital and the market speculations of Jay Gould, Rockefeller, JP Morgan, the Astors and Vanderbilts ruled the day. Cornelius Vanderbilt died in 1877 with a 100 millions dollars to his name.
What do you think "labor relations" were like in 1877? Get a fucking clue. And
shut the fuck up with your "when workers were paid a wage commensurate with their contribution to producton." This has never happened. Ford introduced the 5-dollar day-wage in 1914 in reponse to insane labor turnover (and the Ford Motor Company was, of course,
the last of the big 3 to unionize; I think in the early fifties(?))). The Ford Sociological Department and Ford English School attempted, through a process of coercion and consent to indoctrinate immigrants as Americans (ie, Fordist workers). The 5-dollar wage was pitched as a "profit sharing" instrument. Complete bullshit. It's 2006. There are libraries full of economic history books and case studies. Stop perpetuating this reactionary capitalist propaganda, please.
Thomas Jefferson wrote:I am persuaded no constitution was ever before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self government
Look forward, not back. Your reactionary position is staked out on false turf. For all its flaws, the Marxist tradition is/was at least forward looking, responsive adn dynamic rather than reactionary.
The distinction I am proposing here knows one canonical form in Hegel’s differentiation of the thinking of individual morality or moralising from that whole very different realm of collective social values and practices. But it finds its definitive form in Marx’s demonstration of the materialist dialectic, most notably in those classic pages of the Manifesto which teach the hard lesson of some more genuinely dialectical way to think historical development and change. The topic of the lesson is, of course, the historical development of capitalism itself and the deployment of a specific bourgeois culture. In a well-known passage Marx powerfully urges us to do the impossible, namely, to think this development positively and negatively all at once; to achieve, in other words, a type of thinking that would be capable of grasping the demonstrably baleful features of capitalism along with its extraordinary and liberating dynamism simultaneously within a single thought, and without attenuating any of the force of either judgment. We are somehow to lift our minds to a point at which it is possible to understand that capitalism is at one and the same time the best thing that has ever happened to the human race, and the worst.
The lapse from this austere dialectical imperative into the more comfortable stance of the taking of moral positions is inveterate and all too human: still, the urgency of the subject demands that we make at least some effort to think the cultural evolution of late capitalism dialectically, as catastrophe and progress all together.
As for that reality itself, however – the as yet untheorised original space of some new “world system” of multinational or late capitalism, a space whose negative or baleful aspects are only too obvious – the dialectic requires us to hold equally to a positive or “progressive” evaluation of its emergence, as Marx did for the world market as the horizon of national economies, or as Lenin did for the older imperialist global network. For neither Marx nor Lenin was socialism a matter of returning to smaller (and thereby less repressive and comprehensive) systems of social organisation; rather, the dimensions attained by capital in their own times were grasped as the promise, the framework, and the precondition for the achievement of some new and more comprehensive socialism. Is this not the case with the yet more global and totalising space of the new world system, which demands the intervention and elaboration of an internationalism of a radically new type? The disastrous realignment of socialist revolution with the older nationalisms (not only in Southeast Asia), whose results have necessarily aroused much serious recent left reflection, can be adduced in support of this position.
Bob wrote:Andrew L. wrote:They know State laws are designed to reinforce an unjust status quo. And they've been prepared to answer to something they see as higher.
Oh, I see. Now you're advocating theocracy? Hiding behind God Love is for cowards afraid to make the choices they have to in a world run by man. You get God to go to Mexico for me and tell them to use birth control because they can't feed the mouths they have. God Love sets in motion more behavior that leads to misery, and you know that very well. Stick to Earth-bound arguments, please.
While my parents' ethics are inseparable from a religious perspective, what they boil down to is decency, not theocracy. I don't believe in God, but I believe in ethical responsibility. For my folks this has meant "good works." Like accepting economic refugees into one's home (Incidentally, Sarath--said refugee--remains a Buddhist. My parents are totally cool with this, and always were; they're also more or less okay with my atheism).
Bob, I know you might be pleased that I've provided so much material for you to respond to here. Please don't. Don't respond. I'm super not interested.
Edited for grammar, to add a link, and to tell Bob this is my final post on this thread.